Older mothers: who are they and why do they wait?

Introduction

The increasing trend for women to delay child bearing and its relationship to women's increased participation in the workforce has been an issue in both the media and popular discussion for some time.

Despite this, research into who these women are and why they delay starting families has been somewhat limited — particularly in Australia.

However, the research available shows that the reasons for having children later are complex and not solely related to an increased participation in the workforce and the desire of women to have careers as well as families.

This presentation seeks to explore how many women are indeed choosing to have children later in their lives, who they are and what reasons they have for waiting through a review of literature from Australia and overseas.

Definitions of the "Older Mother"

The first question that needs to be addressed is of course, at what age do women become ‘older mothers’? Research considered for this paper demonstrated that a range of definitions occur within the literature. It is interesting to note that as older motherhood becomes more prevalent our perceptions of the normal age to have children may also be shifting.

For example, when my mother gave birth to me — her first child — at the age of 32 in the early 1970’s she was considered to be very old indeed! Many of her contemporaries had already had a number of children. This seems very different to my own peers, where 32 is considered to be the time when one may think about having children.

For the most part, the research considered for this paper defined older mothers as those who are at least 30 years and over - with the most commonly used definition being from the age of 35. This may be because women are seen to have particularly risky pregnancies after the age of 35 and hence be more ‘problematic’ as a group to health care providers.

Prevalence of "older mothers" in Australia

The fertility rate in Australia has continued to drop since its peak in 1961 of 3.4 births per woman. In 1995-2000, this figure had dropped to 1.8 (ABS 1999; 6). This has largely been attributed to a declining birth rate for younger women. For example, births for women in the 15 to 24 years age group have declined as a proportion of all births over the thirty years from 1969 to 1999 from 46% to 20% (ABS 2001; 55).

Like many western industrialised countries, however, the number of women having children at a later age in Australia is increasing. The ABS reports that almost one in every two births are now to women over the age of 30 (ABS 2001; 55). This has doubled since 1979 when only one in four births were to women over the age of thirty. Furthermore, in 1999, 16% of all births were to women aged 35 and over (ABS 2000; 30).

This shift is also reflected in age specific fertility rates. In 1999, women aged 30-34 years overtook 25-29 year olds in experiencing the highest fertility rate (ABS 2000; 6)

The median age of mothers in 1999 was 29.7. The lowest median age during the 20^th century was in 1971 at 25.4 years. It is anticipated that the median age will continue to increase, reaching 30.3 years in 2008 (ABS 2000; 94).

As well as considering the age of women for all births, there has also been a continuing increase in the age of women for first births. In 1999, 35% of all first births were to women aged 30 or over.

Characteristics of "Older Mothers"

Whilst the ABS data shows that more women are delaying child bearing, what are the characteristics shared by these woman and what may this tell us about their particular needs through pregnancy , childbirth and the care of their young children? Using both population data from the ABS and the results from sample based research conducted in Australia and overseas - and whilst acknowledging the dangers of stereotyping- we can gain some sense of what these shared characteristics may be.

Many of the studies considered for this paper have found a strong link between high levels of educational attainment and delayed child bearing (Merlo 1995; De Wit 1994; Ranson 1997; Wilkie 1981; Berryman et al 1995).

For example, data from the Australian Family Project 1986, reported in Merlo (1995) shows a clear association between educational attainment and birth timing, with tertiary educated women significantly more likely to delay the birth of their first child than all other women (Merlo 1995; 136).

The ABS has also linked higher levels of educational attainment with this trend. Using census data and birth rates, it suggests that delayed family formation for both men and women results from 'young people tending to reach the milestones which usually precede parenthood (leaving the parental home, gaining economic independence and marrying or forming long term de facto relationships) later than was the case in previous decades (ABS 2001; 56-57). This delay is often related to pursuing higher education and subsequently seeking to establish themselves in a career.

Occupation is also frequently related to delayed motherhood in research (Merlo 1995, ABS 2001) . Two studies by Berryman and Windridge in the UK found that older first time mothers were more likely to belong to non-manual and professional occupations. For example, 80% of first time mothers aged 40 plus in one study were from non-manual and professional occupations (Berryman et al 1995; 30). Similarly the Leicester Motherhood Project, conducted by the same researchers found that all first time mothers aged 35 years and over were from non-manual and professional occupations (Berryman et al 1995; 30).

Other research has suggested that the type of educational qualifications attained and subsequent sector of employment is also influential in the timing of first births. Ranson's Canadian study which followed a cohort of college educated women from their graduation until age 30 found that women who had chosen to work in 'non traditional' occupations were more likely to delay child bearing than those women who entered into more traditional occupations such as education - particularly in this case primary school teachers (Ranson 1998). Ranson suggests that the way workplaces are organised may also influence decision making about when to have children. For example, the women's intentions when leaving college about having children were not affected by whether they had chosen traditional or non traditional careers and yet their fertility outcomes differed greatly in relation to their career choice. She asserts that career paths in occupations traditionally linked to women are more conducive to parenting and career development than ins non-traditional occupations.

Whilst there has been some media attention in recent times abut older single women choosing to have children without partners, there is little research on the forms of relationships that older mothers have. It is difficult to find Australian data on the marital status of older mothers and rates of sole parenthood. However, statistics about the marital status of women who register births give some indication.

These figures seem to indicate that married women are more likely to give birth later than women in defacto relationships. However, the figures indicating the acknowledgment of paternity in ex-nuptial births suggests that women who give birth outside of marriage, but in defacto relationships are more likely to be older also. It is also reported that the age of ex-nuptial births has increased over the past decade, "driven by an increase in ex-nuptial births to women in their 20's and 30's , often within a defacto relationship" (ABS 2000; 47).

Older mothers in Australia are also more likely to be found in capital cities then other regions, with the mean age of childbearing in all states and territories (excluding the ACT, for which no figures are stated) in Australia higher in the capital cities than other areas of each state (ABS 2000 ; 94). This may be due to greater access to medical technology and information in capital cities allowing women greater control of their reproduction and career issues - given that many people move from rural areas to pursue employment it may be that women who delay childbearing due to career are more likely to be found in capital cities than in regional areas of Australia (ABS 2000; 62).

Overall, the research suggests that the stereotype of older mothers as highly educated and career focussed is not an inaccurate one. However, whether pursuing higher education and careers is therefore the reason why women delay starting families, is more contentious.

Why are women delaying child bearing?

Reasons suggested for why women delay having children seem to fall into 4 categories.

Firstly, and most commonly, is that women choose to establish themselves in careers before having children. The ABS reports that in 1999, 71.7% of women aged 20-34 were in the paid workforce and 65.4% of married women in this age group participated in paid work. This is a significant shift form 1979, when less than 50% of married women aged 20-34 were in the labour force (ABS 2001; 57).

Similarly, the trend for both men and women to stay in the education system for longer is also seen to affect the timing of family formation. If we again turn to the latest ABS figures, it can be seen that the 20 years between 1979 and 1999 saw women's participation in education increase from 13.0% of 20-24 year olds to 34.8% (ABS 2001; 57).

Thirdly, contraception and new technologies such as IVF are seen to give women more control and choice over the timing of having children than in the past. Women have greater choice in delaying pregnancy through the use of contraception and are also able to utilise reproductive technologies to assist in conception. For example from 1990 to 1997 the number of assisted conception pregnancies to women over the age of 35 in Australia increased from 29% of all assisted conception pregnancies to 41% (ABS 2001; 58).

Finally, there is the issue of establishing and maintaining long term relationships and re-partnering. In Australia, almost 70% of marriages are preceded by cohabitation and the median age at first marriage has increased to 26.4 in 1999, from 21.7 in 1979. The median age for divorced females remarrying in Australia is 38.6 - a figure that may be of some significance given that 50% of marriages in Australia now end in divorce. However, there is very little research about the relationship between re-partnering and having children.

Financial issues may also be influential in some women's decision making about the timing of starting a family. Research suggests that women who have children later are more likely to be financially stable and own (or be in the process of purchasing) their own homes, and have savings (Wilkie 1981; 588). In contrast, it is suggested that early child bearers are more 'vulnerable to the adverse impact of children on wages than are those who delay childbearing' (Taniguchi 1999; 1008). Taniguchi reports that analysis of data from the US National Longitudinal Survey, for example, found that 'women who first gave birth between the ages of 20-27 experienced a wage penalty of 3.7%, in contrast to late child bearers who experienced no significant wage penalties at all' (Taniguchi 1999; 1014).

Another, interpretation is that of Shultz, whose exploratory study of 80 women in the US in the late 1970's led her to create a list of key life events and turning points that influence a woman's choice to have a child. Shultz refers to these as the "Six M's of Motherhood" - some of which seem to be supported in later research.

Shultz's suggestions that issues such as maturity, an unexplainable desire or a sense of urgency (maybe even 'misplaced mothering!) also influence the timing of family formation is supported in later research reviewd for this paper . A number of studies highlighted the notion that women's decision making about starting families is often influenced by a combination of factors (Ranson 1998; Berryman et al 1995; Frydman 1989). It seems that the reasons for delaying having children are complex and will differ greatly and that whilst the women involved may share characteristics such as those listed above, these characteristics may not be the actual reasons given by women themselves about their choice to have children later in life.

For example Berryman et al (1995) report that while 80% of their 40 plus age group sample were in non-manual or professional occupations, only 5% of these women gave 'career reasons' as an explanation for their later baby (Berryman et al 1995; 30). It is argued that whilst many of these women are career focussed and have had to defer having children in order to complete training and establish careers, they placed greatest emphasis on financial and emotional security when explaining the delay to researchers (Berryman et al 1995; 55).

The Australian Timing of Motherhood study found that for many women, the most important factor in the decision to have a child was 'feeling emotionally ready', and for older mothers this was often characterised as something that had been acquired over time. It was seen to be 'either emotional maturity or emotional stability that had followed achievement of other life goals' (Berryman et al 1995; 54). For these women emotional maturity seemed to be perceived in two ways; firstly, as a result of having achieved and experienced many of the things in life that are difficult to do once a woman becomes a parent and/or partner, allowing them to commit more fully to their role as mother and secondly by being able to draw on their experiences and maturity as resources in their parenting role (Berryman et al 1995; 54). In the study of women aged 40 plus cited earlier financial stability was also said to be an important advantage of delaying parenthood by many of the women (Berryman et al 1995; 55).

Some responses from women interviewed for the Australian Timing of Motherhood study serve to emphasise this point about feeling 'ready'.

However, for other women in this particular study, this 'readiness' to have children was less clear and the decision was seen as having to be made out of 'biological necessity'.

For some women, this choice may be very much around reaching career milestones first. In Ranson's Canadian study, respondents reported the importance of establishing themselves in a career first as a way of ensuring career goals were met (Ranson 1998; 525).

For other women in the study, work environments that were perceived as being more supportive of having children allowed them to base their decisions on other factors such as security of relationships and a personal sense of 'readiness'. For example, Ranson quotes Gail, a speech pathologist, and did not choose to defer having children. Gail who worked in a department mainly staffed by women, 7 of whom were pregnant at the same time she was.

However, again in the same sample some women were simply enjoying their careers and were not ready to change their lives.

Ranson concludes that educational and occupational choices did have considerable influence on the timing of child bearing for the group of women she studied and that successfully establishing a career first was important. For those women who had difficulties in establishing careers, or whose career paths were less straightforward this resulted in delays in not only child rearing but also establishing long term relationships - another key factor in the decision making process about having a child.

As data from the Australian Timing of Motherhood study suggests, for some women, finding the right partnership is a key reason. Berryman et al suggest that women in their thirties who are single are more likely to wait until they are established in a relationship than choose sole parenthood (Berryman et al 1995; 59).

Some women do however, decide to have a child on their own, or find themselves in such a situation. Again the reasons for having a child are reported as being varied. Siegel 's US study comparing the reasons for and experiences of older single mothers with married older mothers explored these issues. For some it is a case of having always wanted a child and deciding to go ahead despite not having a partner.

Some had hoped to have a partner but circumstances had dictated otherwise and they decided to proceed with the pregnancy anyway.

It is probably an interesting point to conclude this section with that Siegel found very few differences between single and married older mothers in either their reasons for becoming mothers. Again the pleasures of the role, the feelings of readiness and the need for the development of careers and financial stability featured as reasons for both groups.

Conclusion

The research reviewed for today's presentation suggests that decision-making about the timing of having children is a complex process. For many women it combines choices about pursuing career and self development with necessities such as obtaining a level financial stability and issues of circumstance - such as being in a relationship when the 'time is right'.

The question remains, however, what does all of this mean? How does older motherhood effect outcomes for women, their children and society as a whole? We know that as women begin families later, they are likely to have less children, leading to a declining fertility rate in Australia and many other western countries. However for mothers and babies we know very little about the effects.

Are older mothers more capable? Or are they more stressed than younger mothers, overly anxious questions of child outcome? And what of the children? My own experience of writing this paper was the research I encountered left me with many more questions than answers. It is with these questions in mind that I look forward to hearing from the rest of today's speakers .

References

Australian Bureau of Statistics 2000, Births, Australia, 1999, Cat. No. 3301.0, ABS, Canberra

Australian Bureau of Statistics (2001), ‘Older Mothers’ in Australian Social Trends Catalog no. 4102.0, ABS Canberra

Berryman, J., Thorp, K. & Windridge, K (1995), Older Mothers: Conception, pregnancy and birth after 35. Pandora, London

De Wit, M.L., (1994), 'Research Note: Educational Attainment and Timing of Childbearing Among Recent Cohorts of Canadian Women: A Further Examination of the Relationship', Canadian Journal of Sociology , vol. 19, no. 4, pp 499-512

Frydman, G. (1987) Mature-Age Mothers Penguin Books, Melbourne

Grindstaff, C.F (1996) 'The Costs of Having a First Child for Women Aged 33-38, Canada 1991', Sex Roles, vol. 35, nos. 3/4, pp 137 - 151

McDonald, P (1998) 'Contemporary Fertility Patterns in Australia: First Data from the 1996 Census', People and Place , vol. 6, no. 1, pp 1- 13

Martin, S.P (2000) 'Diverging Fertility Among U.S. Women Who Delay Childbearing Past Age 30' Demography vol. 37, no. 4, November, pp 523-533

Merlo, R (1995) 'First Birth Timing in Australia' Journal of the Australian Population Association pp 131 146

Ranson, G (1998) 'Education, Work and Family Decision Making: Finding the "Right Time" to Have a Baby' Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology , 35, 4, November, pp 517-533

Schlesinger, B., and Schlesinger, R. (1989) 'Postponed Parenthood: Trends and Issues' Journal of Comparative Family Studies, vol. 20, no. 3, Autumn, pp353-363

Siegel, J.M (1995) 'Looking for Mr Right? Older Single Women Who Become Mothers'Journal of Family Issues , vol. 16, no. 2, March, pp 194-211

Taniguchi, H (1999) 'The Timing of Childbearing and Women's Wages' Journal of Marriage and the Family, vol. 61, November, pp 1008-1019

Wilkie, J.R (1981) 'The Trend Toward Delayed Parenthood' Journal of Marriage and the Family, ?vol, no. pp 583-591

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